The 2016 election is not yet over, on December 19th Electors from across the US
will meet to cast their votes for president as part of the Electoral College.
Jeffrey Tulis writes that the Electoral College which began as a deliberative institution could be used to deny Donald Trump the presidency. He argues that a bi-partisan coalition of Electors could choose a Republican other than Trump, thus splitting the Electoral College and handing the election to the House of Representatives.
Jeffrey Tulis writes that the Electoral College which began as a deliberative institution could be used to deny Donald Trump the presidency. He argues that a bi-partisan coalition of Electors could choose a Republican other than Trump, thus splitting the Electoral College and handing the election to the House of Representatives.
Americans do not elect their Presidents directly,
through a popular vote.
Rather, each citizen votes for a slate of Electors in
the state in which they reside who are pledged to support the winning candidate
in that state. In other words, the
presidential candidates win all of the electoral votes of each state in which
they prevail in the popular votes in that state. There are two exceptions: Maine and Nebraska
each divide their electors between the winner of the state as a whole and
winners of the Congressional districts within the state. The Electors throughout the United States
form a body called the Electoral College, although it is not a single deliberative
body but rather multiple bodies that meet within each state legislature on
December 19 to choose the next President of the United States. Their votes are transmitted to the United
States House of Representatives were they are counted and certified. In the event that no candidate has a majority
of electoral votes which is 270 the
House, voting by state delegations chooses the president from among the three
highest electoral vote-getters. House
selection of the President has happened three times in American history, in 1801, 1825, and 1877.
When the American Founders devised this system they
meant for the Electors to be an independent body that filtered the will of the
people and exercised their discretion to choose candidates who were genuinely
fit for office. They were particularly
worried that a demagogue might ascend to the highest office and lead the
Republic to the kind of ruin faced by so many in the historical record of
failed democracies. Over the years, the
Electoral College has, by norm, custom and specific state laws, evolved into a
mere counting mechanism rather than a true deliberative institution. It is expected that Electors, chosen by their
parties, will vote for their party’s nominee.
But the Constitution does not actually require them to do this, and 21
states have no formal restrictions on the Electors choice. 29 states do have laws requiring the Electors
to support their party’s nominee but the penalties for not doing so are
minor. Over the course of modern
American history, several Electors have voted for candidates other than the
ones to which they were pledged. They
have been labeled “faithless electors.” With the unprecedented election-day
victory of Donald Trump, some efforts have emerged in the United States to
revive the deliberative aspects of the Electoral College in order to prevent a
demagogue from becoming President. One
petition urges Electors to choose Hillary Clinton on the basis of her receiving
at least 1.7 million votes more than Trump in the popular vote total across all the states, nationally. This online petition received a million
signatures within hours and 4.5 million signatures within several days.
At the University of Texas at Austin, my colleagues
Sanford Levinson (in the Law School) and Jeremi Suri (in the History
department) and I offered a different proposal for independent action by
Electors. In an Op Ed published in the
New York Daily News, we suggest that a bi-partisan coalition of Electors
pledged to Hillary and 37 Electors pledged to Trump vote for some Republican
other than Trump in order to push the election into the Republican-controlled
House of Representatives. The reaction to this proposal has been mixed, as one
might imagine. Some are relieved and
enthused that there is at least a slim possibility of preventing an autocrat
from obtaining power. Others are quite
angry and worried that such an effort would itself prompt a constitutional
crisis by undermining the legitimacy of the election.
We offer the proposal in a genuine attempt to stave
off what we argue is an existential threat to the American Republic. But even if the proposal goes nowhere, as is
likely, it serves the purpose of a kind of test of true opinion of Americans
who consider it. If one really believes,
as so many Americans have claimed to believe, that Trump will be an autocrat
(indeed, for many commentators he is an American version of a fascist), then
can one seriously claim that the threat posed by this proposal to alter settled
norms is greater than the threat posed by Trump? Or, does one really not believe that
demagoguery is a serious problem, or that Trump has a tyrannical soul?
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